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A New Coexistence in the Lleu Lleu Territory

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Mapuche communities and CMPC company

For the past two years, a new form of relationship has existed between 13 communities of Lake Lleu Lleu in the commune of Tirúa and Forestal Mininco, the parent company of Mininco. A project proposed by the Mapuche communities focuses on education, social development, work, restoration of native species, and territorial recovery.

Santo Reinao Millahual is a Mapuche leader of the Lorenzo Pilquimán Miquihue community and coordinator of 13 communities in the Lake Lleu Lleu territory. In May 2021, on election day, he was driving in his truck accompanied by his nine-year-old daughter after voting when he was ambushed by two vehicles, receiving several shots from high-caliber weapons. In this same territory, he explains, there have been over 20 attacks, ten vehicles stolen, and many homes burned. He has been accused of being a "yanacona" (collaborator) by more radical sectors, to which he responds that these "peñis" (brothers) are worried because there is no room left for their violent actions. "Look at what we have achieved (...) and look at the track record of these peñis (violent actors) who have acted for 20 years and how many hectares they have recovered for the Mapuche. Today, things have changed. Today, we have economic dignity, families are happy, the project is successful, and it will continue to be so as long as we exist and the company keeps providing opportunities to improve this program we have built together. We, the communities, have progressed without giving up our aspirations for territorial recovery."

Brief history of the communities in Lleu Lleu

"Today, I represent 13 communities in the Lake Lleu Lleu territory, communities that have historically lived here since before the arrival of the Spanish and continue to build our homeland in this part of the territory. On multiple occasions, we have organized to defend and maintain the territory when it has been threatened. We already have a long history of being invaded and reduced.

First, there was the dispossession by the Ebensperguer family in 1904, affecting the communities of the El Canelo estate, which had agricultural productivity. We were pushed to the west of Lake Lleu Lleu, now the Choque estate, which is owned by Forestal Mininco. Back then, 50% of our people who opposed this reduction process were burned in their rukas (traditional homes) and killed. My grandfather told me how his father and brothers were forced out of El Canelo to where a nephew named Choqún lived, and that’s how the estate got its name, Choque. Few families relocated there: the Reinao, Pilquimán, Llevilao, and Antilao. We were gradually reduced and controlled, marked by years of struggle and agreements.

Another milestone was when the Ebensperguers ceded land to the Eyheramendys, with whom an agreement was reached for a 'mediería' (sharecropping) system where they authorized the Mapuche to farm and provided seeds, wheat, potatoes, and fertilizer. Our generation worked there—my grandfather and father until 1978. They worked like that for a long time... my grandfather was 15 when he started farming this way with the 'gringas' (foreign landowners), and they never lacked traditional food. They coexisted, and the landowners provided tools, oxen, and cows for milk, transported by barges across the lake to the Choque estate, which we are now reclaiming.

This gentleman’s agreement between the Mapuche and the Eyheramendys, who occupied the land (but did not own it), lasted until 1978. That year, Ponce Lerou arrived, took ownership of these estates, and expelled all Mapuche and non-Mapuche sharecroppers living there. When that way of working ended, I was eight, and my grandfather was nearly 80. He cried in the kitralhue (meeting place), fearing we would starve. For him, it was the second invasion. Because of this, my father and our entire family organized that year in Ad Mapu, and the hard struggles resumed.

In the '80s, Pinochet subdivided Indigenous communities where we lived, and in '84, we had a fierce confrontation with the military and carabineros, with peñis shot and tortured. Back then, traditional games like chueca were repressed, speaking Chedungún in schools was banned, and ceremonies like guillatún and machitún were prohibited—anything that meant reclaiming our culture as a people. It wasn’t allowed, and it was very hard to preserve it within our territory.

We kept fighting, and in '86, we used a remaining reserve from the El Canelo estate to reclaim our land in the Choque estate, where forestry companies had already planted. We took possession of the land and clashed continuously with police and military until 1990, when Patricio Aylwin’s new Indigenous policy stated that the State’s relationship with Indigenous peoples would be through state institutions. Many of our peñis chose to formalize as communities under this law. Some governments signaled support, offering small land purchases, but without further assistance—no roads, electrification, dignified living conditions, tools, or equipment. Today, those lands lie abandoned, unused due to State neglect, as they were relocated elsewhere, not in their original communities, because no land remains in our territory.

From 1990 onward, we kept reclaiming the land, entering it, with peñis detained, prosecuted, and convicted for rural violence and timber theft. The struggle was harsh because the estate would burn, be destroyed, and Mininco would rebuild as a company. This lasted until 2018 when we, the communities, demanded action from both the police and those close to Mininco."

The beginnings of dialogue

"We began demanding meetings with CMPC’s top executives. Before, we usually fought with the forest ranger or supervisor—small battles. We managed to contact Augusto Robert, Public Affairs Manager in Los Ángeles, and coordinated a first meeting in July 2018. We insisted that higher-ranking company officials attend, or we wouldn’t participate."

First meeting: "When we arrived, we were served coffee. While waiting, we asked who would attend—ready to leave if it wasn’t Augusto Robert—and were told Guillermo Turner (Corporate Affairs Manager) was coming.

We didn’t know him, so sitting down was interesting. The meeting was tense; we said everything. He had the composure to listen and the maturity of a businessman, representing a billion-dollar company in Chile—that’s highly valued. He listened and said: 'Let’s keep talking. I can stay, no problem. We’ve said it all; now let’s discuss properly and see what we can do.'

Our goal was always territorial restitution. We discussed possible approaches. He suggested negotiating an agreement for land use. We disagreed, knowing how the agrarian reform handed land to peasants without legal documentation. The only legal path for us is the Indigenous Law and regulations from the Ministry of Social Development and CONADI. We told them CONADI and the State had to be present for any land transfer talks.

We agreed on a second meeting, with leaders traveling to consult the State on CONADI-led recovery. A week later, four peñis met Interior Minister Andrés Chadwick at La Moneda, who said they’d have to wait one or two more years for action."

Second meeting: "We sat again with Guillermo Turner and Augusto Robert, shared the State’s response, and heard their thoughts. They offered a 'good neighbor' program to avoid further harm. We firmly rejected it, proposing instead a joint development plan between CMPC and our leaders. We had no prepared proposal, but the goal was improving our people’s lives and territorial recovery."

Third meeting: "We drafted a proposal. They offered jobs for 500 families through their contractors. We immediately refused, saying we’d prepare a counterproposal for the next meeting.

It was tough—our communities had radicalized factions and others open to dialogue. Leaders believed in understanding with the corporate world, but internal divisions were a challenge.

We held democratic votes on the proposal within 15 days across all 13 communities. Skepticism ran high due to past experiences.

To communicate the proposal, we gathered as a territory—four leaders per community—filtering out disagreements and keeping beneficial points. We prioritized education, social issues, productivity, and labor."

Proposal:

- Labor: Contractors, transporters, and food provision handled by community members, plus producing forestry work clothing and gear.

- Education: Special scholarships of $200,000 per student for university or technical degrees, including postgraduate studies.

- Social: Improving quality of life—CMPC would address what the State neglected (roads, electrification, drinking water). Communities would identify needs.

- Native tree restoration along the lake’s eastern shore (200 meters inland). Nurseries would be built per community, managed by female heads of household.

- Recovery of the 25,000-hectare Choque estate.

Fourth meeting: "We presented our proposal in March 2019. Guillermo and Augusto responded positively. The agreement was approved by all but one or two dissenters per community. On land recovery, we agreed to a land-use comodatum (loan agreement), with legal details to follow."

Progress and results

"From March to August 2019, we implemented labor and native restoration projects swiftly. Scholarships were debated—they offered $80,000, but ours was respected. Salaries started high, with benefits. Last year, we planted 10 hectares of native trees, grown by community women; now, 60 more hectares are ready.

Forestry work includes thinning, pruning, and weeding without chemicals. Native forest restoration is key. We have 20 nurseries, 70% staffed by women. We proved to Mininco that including women in forestry work succeeds—they’re highly responsible. We pioneered this model, with women pruning pines and planting native species. I lead a 100% women-led team.

On land recovery, we proposed a commercial partnership with CMPC, transferring significant land use to us. This 50- to 100-year project hinges on mutual respect.

Four years in, dignified wages exist here thanks to this agreement. With goodwill, anything is possible. This year, we hope the partnership gets greenlit."

Anything is possible

"All underwent company-funded training. For women, learning safety gear, signing logs, and temperature checks (during the pandemic) was new. Now, they excel.

Our latest survey shows 2,800 people across 13 communities. At least one person per family (500 families) works in the project. Only the elderly don’t work—we lack a program for them. Children attend public, high, or private schools.

No leader has left the project. With stable, dignified wages and training, who would be dissatisfied?"

Violence and threats

"2019–2020 was brutal. The CAM, Weichan Auca Mapu, and revolutionary movements opposed us. But when communities decide, movements can’t override them.

Radical groups still attack—calling us traitors, burning homes and trucks. But a strong territorial organization resists. We don’t use weapons or shed Mapuche blood. That’s this project’s value. Attacking our own isn’t dignity. No violent group will lead here.

I told Héctor Llaitul: 'Lead in your territory, not Lleu Lleu.' To any Mapuche leader: If we want development, change, first lead your own communities. There, we have Mapuche dignity, newen (spiritual strength), knowledge, and responsibility."

A new model

"The communities remain committed. Those who opposed may stay out of pride, but they’re welcome anytime. Our goal is changing the Mapuche’s historical living model.

This may become a development model blending economic systems and community aspirations. We might err, but it’s not bad. Other communities ask how we did it—many are joining.

History will mark this agreement as a milestone. Respect and trust are key. Sitting with executives, differences clash—with 40 leaders, opinions vary. The company must engage its best teams for mutual gain.

In 2019, after arson attacks, we met Chairman Ruiz Tagle and Gacitúa, showing the project honestly. Their support has been unwavering. We await the final agreement—25,000 hectares—with a 50-year territorial plan. We’ll never renounce recovery, especially now."